Legislative Blog # 13
"Do I contradict myself?
Very well then I contradict myself.
I am large; I contain multitudes."
~Walt Whitman singing as the voice of America.
Delivering Petitions for Ranked Choice Voting
Update on LD 1646, An Act To Bring Maine's Ranked-choice Voting Law
into Constitutional Compliance
Update on LD 1646, An Act To Bring Maine's Ranked-choice Voting Law
into Constitutional Compliance
SUMMARY: This bill amends the ranked-choice voting law to bring it into compliance with the Constitution of Maine by applying the provisions of the law only to primary elections for the offices of United States Senator, United States Representative to Congress, Governor, State Senator and State Representative and general and special elections for the offices of United States Senator and United States Representative to Congress. The bill does not allow ranked-choice voting to be used for general and special elections for the offices of Governor, State Senator and State Representative unless an amendment to the Constitution of Maine, Article IV, Part First, Section 5, Article IV, Part Second, Sections 4 and 5 and Article V, Part First, Section 3 that authorizes the Legislature, by proper enactment, to determine the method by which the Governor and members of the State Senate and House of Representatives are elected is ratified.
The bill requires the Secretary of State to adopt routine technical rules for the administration of ranked-choice voting, including the administration of recounts.
Last week, Secretary of
State Matt Dunlap and Attorney General Janet Mills called for the legislature
to fix constitutional wording to allow for Ranked Choice Voting (RCV) to be
implemented in time for the June primaries. Instead of fixing the problem, The Senate Monday, April 2, debated Senate Order 28 that challenges the
implementation of RCV adopted twice by voters in Referendum and denies the
authority of Secretary of State Matthew Dunlap to implement the law. The Order
consists of 45 "Whereas . . ." clauses giving constitutional reasons,
as interpreted by proponents of the Order, why the law cannot and should not be
implemented. The order itself is the 46th clause: "ORDERED, that
the Senate authorizes the President of the Senate to represent the interests of
the Senate and take all appropriate action, including the retention of outside
counsel, on its behalf in any matter related to advocating for and defending
the interests of the Senate, preserving the integrity of the separation of
powers provided for in the Constitution of Maine, and preserving the integrity
of the election process of Maine, and to raise all appropriate claims and
defenses and to seek all appropriate manner of relief, including but not
limited to seeking injunctive relief against any state official or private
person seeking to exercise powers relegated to the legislative power of Maine
not duly and properly extended to such official or officials or person or
persons or any of them."
You can watch the debate here beginning at 4:16 PM. Senator
Katz started the debate by asking senators to put aside feelings about the
policy of RCV and about the partisan divide on the issue. He suggested the
order was not about the policy but about confidence in the electoral policy
presented by constitutional problems in the bill and about the authority of the
Secretary of State in implementing the law. He proceeded with a 30 minute
speech explaining the problematic issues with the RCV Bill which included the
reasons given in the 'Whereas . . ." clauses of the order. Election
statutes and the constitution contradict the RCV primarily in the use of the
word "plurality" for the winner of elections though in one instance the statute uses the word majority. In addition, the constitution
requires a separation of powers, and the Secretary of State does not have the
authority, the order contends, to implement the RCV law. And finally the legislature, not the
Secretary of State has the power to fund the implementation of the law, or
not.
Senator Jackson spoke about the unprecedented and wide-ranging authority the Order gives to the Senate President, not only to legally challenge Ranked Choice Voting, but also to challenge any policy, bill, or law he deems unconstitutional.
Regardless of the
wording, the intention of the RCV law and the will of voters is clear and not in
dispute. Senator Bellows explained constitutional provisions that allow the power of the people to trump the power of the Senate. She spoke about the opportunity the legislature had since the
first passage of Ranked Choice Voting in November of 2016 and the override
of the governor's veto in November 2017 to find legitimate ways the legislature
could fix problems involved in implementing it. Instead opponents only looked
for ways to prevent implementation. It appears to be Bellows' comment about the
failure of the legislature to make the necessary changes that prompted the
Senate President to remind the chamber that it was not OK to
question the motives of others.
In spite of the
Chairman's reprimand to Bellows, Senator Chipman in speaking for voters echoed her remarks when he expressed his frustration at efforts of legislators who
repeatedly try to reduce, delay, amend, or unfund referendums passed by the people in recent
years. These include expanding Medicaid, increasing Minimum Wage, Legalizing
Marijuana, and more. Chipman said the problems cited in the Order could be
easily fixed by the legislature if it willed just by simply directing the
Revisors' Office to write a new bill that fixes all problems listed in the
"Whereas. . . ." clauses of the Order.
Senator Carpenter said he wasn't questioning anyone's motives; he knew exactly why people were doing what they were doing. He echoed Jackson's criticism that the Order is way too broad. He pointed out that the Senate is not the whole
legislature, that if the Order is to be enacted it would only be representing ½
of 2 coequal chambers. And it would only be representing the fraction of the Senate
who vote for it.
After the Order passed
21 to 13 Jackson's criticism provoked an amendment "that set a 21-day time limit on the Order and
restricted it to issues involving only ranked-choice voting [which] won majority
support and the votes of three Democrats."
Tuesday Senator
Carpenter moved the following order:
On motion by
Senator CARPENTER of Aroostook, the following Joint Order:
S.P. 730, STATE OF
MAINE 128TH LEGISLATURE:
ORDERED, the House concurring, that the Joint Standing
Committee on Veterans and Legal Affairs shall report out, to the Senate, a bill
to implement ranked-choice voting. At a minimum, the bill must:
1. Provide
necessary funding to the Department of the Secretary of State to conduct all
primary and general elections in 2018;
2. Expressly
authorize the Secretary of State to take physical control of the ballots and
related materials as necessary to implement ranked-choice voting; and
3. Expressly authorize the State Police, at the direction of the
Secretary of State, to retrieve ballots from voting jurisdictions as necessary
to implement ranked-choice voting.
Senator Carpenter's
motion failed 17 to 17. Ironically, the rule that a motion requires a majority
winner and fails with a tie vote or less is what RCV is after in the electoral
process.
On Wednesday, a Superior
Court judge ordered the Secretary of State to implement Ranked Choice Voting.
On the same day, this same judge heard arguments from the Senate majority in favor
of the Senate Order to intervene on behalf of "constitutional
integrity." A ruling on this intervention is expected in time to implement the RCV law if the ruling favors that.
So the issue remains in limbo. It's not clear that Republicans, who oppose the RCV bill and have a majority in the Senate, will not vote against any bill to fix the constitutional issues. And Governor LePage "has 10 days to act on any bill sent to him, so even if lawmakers pass an emergency measure to fix the problem, the governor could hold the bill until close to or past the deadline the secretary of state set for ballot preparation."
I'm inclined to agree with Senator Katz's remark that this might be the most important issue the legislature deals with this session--to follow the will of the people, or not.
Power.
We are in the midst of great power upheavals
world-wide. These power conflicts are Civil Rights issues in Maine and across the nation. I believe the track of history bends towards the justice
promised in our founding documents: "We the people" in the preamble
to the Constitution, "Governments are instituted among Men [sic]
deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed" in the
Declaration of Independence. But, recalling the words of Abraham
Lincoln, I question: Can this house so divided against itself long endure? Can
any nation dedicated to the proposition that all men [sic] are created
equal long endure?
Contradictions
Is it news or surprising
that the Maine Constitution and Maine Statutes have contradictions? That any
constitution has contradictions? Human beings make constitutions and human
beings are complex, contradictory creatures individually and especially
collectively. As a people, we have contradictory beliefs about what is true,
contradictory values about what is ethically right, contradictory laws that
rule our lives, contradictory interpretations of laws, and contradictory
opinions about who has the authority to decide and implement law.
Contradictions are why we have the judicial court system and why supreme court
justices can and regularly do have to argue the interpretation of our
constitution and take a vote to determine what it means. It's how we keep our
Supreme Courts busy and why so many issues keep coming back to haunt us. We can
and regularly do find and argue about contradictions in virtually every
constitutional statement, Federal or State.
Motivations
It's very hard to know with certainty my own motivations and to be aware of them with all my actions. Like the Senate Chair, I am uncomfortable when people question my motives. People ask me quite regularly why am I doing this 4-month observation of the Legislature and writing this blog series. I have canned answers: curiosity, a desire to testify about issues I care about, a wish to do my bit to save the world. I giggle in self consciousness at the last one because it seems arrogant to assume I can have any influence. But those motives, especially the last one, are really superficial and abstract. I watched The Nuclear Requiem on PBS World this morning. It stirred a mix of fear, horror, outrage, poignancy, grief, love for sufferers, admiration for those who work to alleviate suffering. It made me want to renew my pacifist activity that I have not paid much attention to in recent months. I seldom talk about or reflect on the emotional stew that underlies virtually all of my action. I can only talk about these emotions with abstract words that always seem inadequate, but I know, emotional stew feeds the rock-bottom motivation for why I am here doing this.
It turns out there is good evidence that emotions and motives are inextricably linked and underlie all our actions. Try a quick Google search and you will see, The relationship, though is more complex than I indicate with my self reflection. It is not simply that emotion, or a complex of emotions, causes motives (which is goal oriented according to the literature). Nor is it simply that motives cause emotion. It is more that emotions and motives interact with each other in a kind of feedback loop that results in decision and action.
In making collective policy, which is the job of our legislature, both feelings and motives are often unvoiced even though they appear to be very apparent to watchers and listeners We are taught not to make decisions on the basis of emotions, but I can hear clearly the passionate tone of President Franklin Roosevelt proclaiming, "We have nothing to fear but fear itself." That tone, I believe, is driven by fear of his own fear. I listened to about an hour of the Public Hearing on LD 1884: An Act To Create a Community Protection Order To Allow Courts To Prevent High-risk Individuals from Possessing Firearms. Feelings on both sides were very intense, and one opponent of the bill yelled all through his testimony and shouted several times, "We should not be making policy on the basis of emotion." He sounded very angry. In those moments I think, like Senator Carpenter, that I know exactly what motivates them. And I suspect the emotions of proponents and opponents are much more similar than the positions they take.
A frank and respectful exploration of feelings is one of Dudley Weeks 8 Essential Steps to Conflict Resolution. Perhaps legislators need a course in conflict resolution during their orientation, a course that includes how to reflect upon and disclose feelings and motives?
Some Useful Internet Sites
You can check the Legislative Calendar here. Click on Daily for more detail.
You can watch the Senate in Session usually from 10:00 to 12:00, Monday through Thursday in these final days of the Legislative Session here. Review Senate Journal and Calendar for each day's session here.
You can hear the House in Session, usually at the same time as the Senate is in Session here.
House Journal and Calendar for each day's session here.
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