Monday, January 17, 2011

Is Peace Possible? 2

In the fall semester of 2002, as I do at the beginning of every class, I instructed students in World Literature to choose a topic for their term paper.  About one fourth of them chose to research war literature.  In the six years I had then taught these classes, I rarely had a student choose war literature. I asked them, one by one, “Why?” Most said they were motivated by interest in some variety of patriotic feeling:  honor, freedom, love of country and democracy, all culturally conditioned motives.  One said he wanted to explore how soldiers are affected by watching killing and killing in combat.  One, already destined for ROTC, said he didn’t know why.  When asked why he was in ROTC, he said, “For the education.”  Not one said he was motivated by anxiety or other feelings about the coming war with Iraq.  I wondered, Are they freely, rationally, and consciously choosing their topics? 

A lifelong pacifist, I was at that time an uneasy one for several reasons.  I felt that I did not do enough to support my beliefs with action.  I wondered what to do about leaders who unleash such terrible violence upon the world as suicide bombing, the holocaust, and the atomic bomb if we don’t fight such acts by force; and, most of all, I wasn’t then entirely persuaded that violence isn’t such a strong part of human nature that pacifism cannot be more than a fringe ideal of human culture.  In short, I was uneasy because I thought my pacifist will was weak, mostly confined to my beliefs, a mere phenomenon of consciousness as insubstantial as dreams, all in my head.   
           
That fall I read for the first time Leo Tolstoy’s War and Peace and was confronted with his extensive and persuasive argument that individual free will plays virtually no role in the fate or actions of human life.  He believes that human fate, both personal and public, is predetermined by innumerable forces beyond individual human will and knowledge, such as unconscious human emotions and desires, family and social expectations, history and the pressure of culture.   If he were to be writing in today’s scientific climate, he would also likely include genetics in that list.
           
The final pages of the philosophizing epilogue which follows the dramatic action of War and Peace contain a definitive argument for determinism of individual human destiny.    In those pages, Tolstoy explains apparent contradictions in his argument for determinism:

The problem lies in the fact that if we regard man as a subject for observation from whatever point of view—theological, historical, ethical or philosophic—we find the universal law of necessity to which he (like everything else that exists) is subject.  But looking upon man from within ourselves—man as the object of our own inner consciousness of self—we feel ourselves to be free.

The final words in the novel are, “It is [. . .] necessary to renounce a freedom that does not exist and to recognize a dependence of which we are not personally conscious.” 

If we do not have free will, how then can we be morally responsible as Tolstoy advocates?   Wouldn’t morality itself be as illusory as free will?  And if we do not have the free will to choose peaceful alternatives to violence and war in a world that teaches violence as a way of solving problems, how can peace be possible? 

There are other perplexing problems that complicate the issue of free will.  The evidence so far indicates that Jared Lee Loughner could and did act with a conscious and reasoning free will, made a decision, planned the attack, acquired the weapon.  Yet he is held to be not responsible by reason of insanity.  Paradoxically, many examples of people who do good things and act with impressive moral responsibility, such as those who attacked Loughner,  seem to get there by something innate and wild, something beyond conscious thought and reasoning.  Indeed, they often deny they are heroic because they did not think consciously about it.  I have myself argued elsewhere that “a wild pulse drives civilization as surely as it drives our human heart and passions, a pulse that beats to the rhythms of weather, trees, the smallest animals, and spiraling galaxies.”  At the time I wrote this, I didn’t think of this belief as determinist, but after reading Tolstoy I felt unsure and discovered one more belief to be uneasy about. 

In denying free will any meaningful place in human fate—personal or historical—Tolstoy is a determinist in what he sees as an orderly chain of causation.  The problem of free will and determinism is an old philosophical one that resists resolution.  A variety of philosophers have argued just as persuasively as Tolstoy that free will does exist and can affect human behavior.  In “The Hedgehog and the Fox,” Isaiah Berlin gives an intriguing explanation of the contradictions inherent in Tolstoy’s world view:

There is a line among the fragments of the Greek poet Archilochus which says: “The fox knows many things, but the hedgehog knows one big thing.” [. . .] There exists a great chasm between those, on one side, who relate everything to a single central vision, one system less or more coherent or articulate, [. . .] and, on the other side, those who pursue many ends, often unrelated, and even contradictory, connected, if at all, only in some de facto way [. . . .] Dante belongs to the first category, Shakespeare to the second. [. . .] Tolstoy was by nature a fox, but believed in being a hedgehog. 

Berlin has an extensive discussion of the paradox of free will in War and Peace and of Tolstoy’s obsessive struggle to deny either heroes or villains a significant willful role in public affairs.   He says that Tolstoy never does resolve the dilemmas he has discovered, perhaps set up for himself, in his dedication to finding and telling the “truth” about human life: 

The primacy of [. . .] private experiences and relationships and virtues presupposes that vision of life, with its sense of personal responsibility, and belief in freedom and the possibility of spontaneous action, to which the best pages of War and Peace are devoted and which is the very illusion to be exorcised, if the truth is to be faced.

This terrible dilemma is never finally resolved. [. . .] Since we are not, in fact, free but could not live without the conviction that we are, what are we to do?  Tolstoy arrives at no clear conclusion [. . . .]
           
In denying free will, Tolstoy is following his hedgehog vision.  In insisting on moral responsibility, he is the unconscious fox, for choosing moral responsibility is an act of free will, and it yields a multiplicity of moral truths, beliefs, and faiths that drive actions as diverse as those of Mother Theresa’s or a Muslim suicide bomber’s. 
           
Though Einstein insisted that “God doesn’t play dice with the universe,” quantum mechanics is discovering a strange universe where events are not ruled by deterministic laws.  In “Free Will,” Sidney Calahan sees this brave new world as affirming the reality of mental phenomena:

Science [. . .] brings us face to face with a universe filled with randomness, variability, chaos theory, and odd quantum effects.  At the same time, psychology has experienced its own postbehavioral revolutions, “the cognitive revolution” followed by the “consciousness revolution.”  People think!  People muse, imagine and plan.  (Calahan)

And people weigh the pros and cons of alternative actions.  They choose, decide, act on their decisions, and monitor consequences.             So, in Man’s Search for Meaning, Victor Frankl describes his survival of the Holocaust by mental activity, his exercise of “spiritual freedom” (47) and “will to meaning”:

We watched and witnessed some of our comrades behave like swine while others behaved like saints.  Man has both potentialities within himself; which one is actualized depends on decisions but not on conditions. 
           
Tolstoy himself dramatizes one of the most memorable acts of freedom in all of literature in The Death of Ivan Ilyich.  A few hours before his death, Ivan questions the meaning his life, and then he grows quiet and listens and discovers the answer:  that he has lived his whole life for all the wrong reasons, that love is the answer to the meaning of life.  His final acts are mere gestures, but they are gestures of love he appears to freely choose after about the most intense moral and mental deliberation that we are likely ever to make.  And Tolstoy justifies the civil disobedient act of refusing military service and payment of taxes for military service.  Such a morally responsible act that violates the law must, it seems to me, come from free choice.

But not everyone is able to act on such consciously moral decision making processes as Frankl does,  and not everyone who is able to do so does all the time.  Ivan Illyich does not do so until he, too, has to face a challenge that his customary responses fail to prepare him for.   Even someone as morally righteous as Job fails to become self reflective and self evaluative enough to be truly morally responsible until he is challenged by severe traumatic stress.  But we cannot assume that challenge and stress always leads to freedom.  We know now that many who are traumatically challenged end up with post traumatic stress syndrome and a weakened will rather than a strengthened one. 

The long-standing debate testifies that the existence of free will is hard to prove by empirical methods which depend on experiment and observation of data from the senses or from logic.   But as a mental phenomenon, freedom is as real as all the other abstractions that we find difficult to define precisely or locate in empirical reality, such as citizenship, patriotism, belief, faith, peace.   We will believe by the evidence of common sense and introspection that such phenomena of consciousness are real and influential realities that affect the course of human life and destiny.   Free will is an experience as real as love and rage and dreams. 
           
I have something of a hedgehog in me, and in my hedgehog ideals I would sweep up all the young soldiers headed for Iraq, Afganistan, or any other war-torn area and carry them away to some safe and remote Eden, but that is just daydream.  In my pacifist actions, I remain an uneasy and wary fox, my moral responsibility and free will continuously tested by experience of the world as it is, a reality more like a night dream, an unpredictable and scary place in which we must often navigate in the dark with senses beyond the five available to consciousness.          

Even so, I exercise my insubstantial free will, join the small band of peace paraders at the bridge every Sunday, work with the county and state Democratic Committees, write for peace, and teach from the perspective that we have free will—the mental faculty to choose from alternatives, to decide, and to act on a decision—and that, like muscles, that faculty must be exercised to be healthy.  We can believe peace is possible because we can imagine the impossible, and we can act on that belief.  We can attempt to influence others to believe and act.  By that process, our free acts can enter the possibly determinist chain of causation and, possibly, change its direction.

© Alice Bolstridge, 2011.

Tuesday, January 11, 2011

Is Peace Possible? 1

Sarah Palin’s map using cross hairs to target supporters of the Affordable Health Care Act is one of the most stunning images coming from the media coverage of the Tucson shooting aimed at Congresswoman Gabby Giffords and her guests.   The explanation that the cross hairs were never meant to suggest rifle sightings is not convincing.  Palin’s follow-up tweet, “Don’t retreat, reload” persuades me that the criticism of her imagery and language is justified.   Nevertheless, it won’t help to scapegoat her or the right wing.  Such rhetoric, the first amendment assures us, that uses images of violence cannot be held responsible for pulling the trigger that killed or wounded those people however stunning and persuasive the image appears after the fact.  

People with the kind of serious mental illness that Jared Lee Loughner appears to have are also, by the legal definition of “insane,” not responsible for their acts.  He may have never heard of Palin’s map and still could have found the cultural ammunition to justify in his fragile mind the crime. 

When profiles of Obama's first chief of staff, Rahm Emanuel, noted that he once sent a dead fish to a pollster who displeased him, a characteristically subtle statement carrying more than a whiff of malice and murder, it was considered a charming example of excessive - and creative - political enthusiasm. When Senate candidate Joe Manchin dispensed with metaphor and simply fired a bullet through the cap-and-trade bill - while intoning, "I'll take dead aim at [it]" - he was hardly assailed with complaints about violations of civil discourse or invitations to murder.

Did Manchin push Loughner over the top? Did Emanuel's little Mafia imitation create a climate for political violence? The very questions are absurd - unless you're the New York Times and you substitute the name Sarah Palin.   (Charles Krauthammer, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/11/AR2011011106068.html)

Yes, Charles Krauthammer, Emmuel’s little Mafia imitation does, along with all other such metaphors and acts of violence (legal and illegal), create a climate for political violence.  The question is not absurd.  What is absurd is the assumption that any person, especially those with severe mental illnesses, can act totally outside of the influences of culture.  After the civil rights movements with their consciousness raising, most of us no longer question the centrality of language in creating a climate that influences all of our behavior.  Most of us have learned to moderate our language when speaking of civil rights issues.    Certainly, we ought not to scapegoat Sarah Palin, nor Emmanuel, and we must forgive them; they too are cultural creatures.  But we should not excuse them, and we should judge their language. 

People like Loughner are like canaries in the mine.  They point to the vulnerabilities and dangers of our whole cultural climate.  Loughner does not act in isolation but rather within a cultural context of language, stories, images, policies, and practices, from both the left and the right, that encourages the use of violence.  From the macro global to the micro local, war, assassination, suicide bombings, torture, talk show hosts, Internet games, abusive political talk, and a seemingly infinite stream of imagery persuade too many that violence is not only effective to resolve fears and solve problems; it is also, in the power fix it can give, sexy and fun.  It sells.  It makes a lone gunman famous.

We may never know all the specific motivations of Jared Loughner, but we can already make educated guesses from what has been released about him that he was culturally influenced.  He feared the government, a fear he shares with a large and public segment of the population. With a semiautomatic pistol, a cultural tool, he claimed at least one moment of power over at least one government representative and her local entourage, and he gained quite a few moments of fame.  He forced the world to acknowledge him.  Who knows how many images from movies, TV, Internet games, and other media outlets feed into and support his actions, but it is safe to assume the number is huge.  How could it not influence him?
~
In view of the pervasive cultural climate of violence, is peace possible, or must we accept a large measure of violence as part of the human condition?  A number of people have attempted to discourage my pacifist activity with some version of the assertion, “You can’t change human nature,” an old refrain that began likely with the original-sin doctrine and underlies the insistence that life is a dualistic fight between good and evil.  Thinkers in the study of human nature have argued various positions about the nature-versus-nurture controversy.  Konrad Lorenz believes violence is deeply rooted in human nature and it has survival value.  Ashley Montague says no behavior is instinctual in human beings, that every action is affected by learning.  Margaret Mead uses field studies to support her argument that war is an invention practiced to resolve international conflict because a better solution has not yet been invented.  Edward O. Wilson says we are products of “bio-cultural evolution,” and all human behavior is affected as much, maybe more, by culture which is learned as by genetic inheritance.   Recent brain studies show that the brain is a plastic organ subject to change throughout life.  Its structure, chemistry, and activity are all affected by experience and learning.   Both Wilson’s work and brain research suggest to me that even a person with serious mental illness and impulses toward violence will make more peaceful choices if there is no cultural encouragement for violence and if there is powerful cultural encouragement for peace.  

My own analysis after reading widely in the area is that 100% of limits and possibilities of human behavior is determined by genes, and 100 % of human action is determined by the interaction of biology, experience, learning, culture, and choice.   Many argue, the famous pacifist Leo Tolstoy among them, that choice itself is not possible because human will is not, contrary to the teaching of the Judeo Christian Bible and promises of our constitution, free.  But that is a subject for another blog post.  Until I see better evidence than I have thus far seen, I will act as if I have free will.  And I will argue that culture has a powerful and in many cases determining effect on human behavior.  When Sarah Palin’s spokesperson asserts that there was no intention of suggesting rifle sights in that map, and when Jared Loughner selects a congresswoman to target and pulls the trigger, it is hard for me doubt that both the map’s composition and the shooting were affected by powerful and likely unconscious cultural influences that support and sustain violent action. 

It looks like peace is not possible without a sweeping global transformation of culture.  But transformation is possible because all of culture is learned.  Human nature can and does change.   The moderation of language that accompanied the civil rights movement has helped to change the culture in a more peaceful direction, at least in some areas.  So I will continue my pacifist activity, and it doesn’t matter if I will likely not see much transformation happen in my lifetime.  It doesn’t matter because I can not think of anything better to do with my life.

© Alice Bolstridge, 1-11-11

Monday, December 27, 2010

States' Rights

 Our newly-elected governor of Maine, Paul LePage, promises to protect states’ rights and get the federal government out of regulating how the state spends the federal money collected from its taxpayers and given back to the state in the form of social welfare and health care reimbursements, social security and veterans’ benefits, defense contracts, educational and infrastructure grants grants (Maine Sunday Telegram 12-05-2010).   Across the nation, the mantra of states’ rights echoes from the right which won landside victories in the recent election.  

I get mad at government, too.  Beginning with family, that primal dispenser of civilization’s control, and fanning out to community institutions—church, school, town, state, nation—I get mad at them all at times.  That is Sigmund Freud's point in Civilization and its Discontents.  The great impediment to human happiness is the control exercised by civilization over individual action, desires, and impulses.  He doesn't see a solution to the problem, and neither do I.  But does state government do a better job of providing for the people’s interests and individual happiness than the federal government?  There appears to be plenty of blame to go all around in our history. 

From Columbus onward Native Americans were viewed as an inferior race but good for work.  When they resisted attempts to enslave them, the federal government made war on them, attempted to get them out of the way, made promises via treaties which were not kept, forced the removal of children from their homes to boarding schools where they attempted to educate their culture out of them, squeezed them on to reservations, forced thousands on a long-distance trek in the dead of winter from the East Coast all the way to Oklahoma along the infamous Trail of Tears. 

The states have an even sorrier record with their legal practice of racism.  The secession of the south that led to civil war was a states’-rights issue.  It took federal intervention to abolish slavery.  And it took more federal intervention and over 100 years to abolish the subsequent segregation (Jim Crow) laws that continued to oppress Afro–Americans. See http://uppitynegronetwork.com/2010/11/24/modern-day-dixiecrats-the-tea-party-movement/#comment-3609. 

We still live with the unhappy hangover of legally sanctioned racism and sexism by both Federal and State Government.  The recent DREAM Act proposed by Congress would have provided a path to citizenship for children of immigrants, most of them Latinos, who have lived here most of their lives if they go to college or join the military.  It failed to pass.  Women did not have a legal right to vote until well into the 20th century.  And, first proposed in 1923 and passed through Congress in 1972, the Equal Rights Amendment for women has still not been ratified by the needed 2/3 majority of the states to become law. 

When it comes to social justice issues, neither states nor feds by themselves have a great record.  But they can be and have been influenced by grass-roots movements that led to the major advances in civil rights legislation of the 20th Century.  It takes great numbers of morally committed and passionate individuals and leaders to make such advances.  And it requires continuous vigilance and struggle against the forces of greed and power lust that strive to dominate governments.

Judging by the rhetoric from tea partiers and others on the far right responsible for President Obama’s shellacking, I suspect that those currently seeking to take back states’ rights from federal control, including our governor-elect Paul LePage, are driven by forces of greed and power and not by a moral commitment to seek equality and justice for all.   They are opposed to the DREAM Act, opposed to gay rights, opposed to meaningful health-care reform that might reduce profits of insurance companies, opposed to spending and taxing priorities that seek opportunity and justice for all that includes poor, differently abled, disenfranchised.  Do I sound here like an advocate for someone you know, or should know:  “the poor,” “the meek,” “the persecuted,” the peacemakers?”  I hope so.  I’m not trying to be original.

For better or worse, until something better comes along, we need government.  Rather than fighting over turf, I would like to see better cooperation between states and feds and much more public dialogue about the morality of governmental attitudes and actions on all levels.  I would like to see a “trickle-down” theory of morality put into practice, one that promotes peace, justice, and equality for all.

© Alice Bolstridge, 12-27-10

Saturday, December 11, 2010

The Tax-Cut Deal

Last night on C-Span, I caught the last hour or so of Senator Bernie Sanders’ courageous speech/filibuster opposing President Obama’s tax-cut deal.  Courageous because, as far as I could tell, he was alone among his colleagues in the senate willing to speak out at such length (8 ½ hours) with such vigor and candor, and because he was willing to raise the important moral issue of corporate greed in America and condemn it.    There wasn’t any significant coverage of this action on the News Hour that followed his speech.  In Washington Week in Review, Gwen Eiffel mentioned it as though it were a mere oddity, and it received little comment from the program participants.  In both of these PBS programs, there appeared to be unanimous agreement that the deal was done, at least in the senate.  Perhaps after a weekend of thought, there may be more support for Sanders by Monday?


Another kind of courage is shown by Clarence Jones, who believed heartily in Barack Obama, the presidential candidate.  He is now advocating tough love for our president: “the template of the 1968 challenge to the reelection of President Lyndon Johnson [of running a different Democratic candidate] now must be thoughtfully considered for Obama in 2012 (http://www.huffingtonpost.com/clarence-b-jones/time-to-think-to-unthinka_b_792237.html December 5).  From my experience at attempting tough love with important others in my life, I suspect he must be heartbroken with disappointment to have reached this point of attempted intervention.


This morning, President Clinton, coming directly from a meeting with President Obama, spoke to the press from the White House defending the tax-cut deal and “principled compromise.”  I first heard him as saying “principle compromise,” and even after seeing “principled” in writing, I think principle is what he described.  The principle of justice and equality for all is being grossly compromised:  nothing is provided in the deal to curb the greed of millionaires and billionaires, reduce the deficit, or provide significant relief for the lower middle class and poor who are struggling to meet basic needs. 


I regularly see loved ones engaged in this struggle.  A family of four earns its income with a sole-proprietorship trucking business.  Their income has declined over $20,000 in the last couple of years down to about $47,000 because of problems in the economy:  higher fuel prices, not as much work, more difficulty borrowing money (Bank bail outs were supposed to ensure this kind of borrowing.), and higher interest rates resulting in frequent breakdowns of old equipment.  Health insurance premiums are so high they can only afford a $15,000-deductible policy, so they must struggle to pay all of their health costs out of their own pocket.  The children both have learning disabilities, and the family continuously struggles with the school which can’t find the resources to provide an adequate and appropriate education.  A worker was laid off in late 2009 and collected unemployment for nearly a year.  He is now struggling to support himself with part time work and no health insurance or other benefits of full time employment.  A man with a serious and chronic mental illness recently had his food stamps (EBT card) reduced by $40 a month.  He runs out of food and has to depend on handouts from family who are themselves struggling with reduced financial circumstances.  Even though the cost of living has increased with everything from groceries to health care, those living on a fixed income have had no cost of living adjustment for 2 years. 
 
This scenario is playing out for millions of families across the nation.  But according to David Kocieniewski, “the only groups likely to face a tax increase [with the tax-cut deal] are those near the bottom of the income scale — individuals who make less than $20,000 and families with earnings below $40,000”  (http://www.nytimes.com/2010/12/08/us/politics/08impact.html?_r=1.).   The US Census report finds that “44 million, or one in seven residents” fall at or below the poverty line defined in 2009 at $22,050 annually for a family of 4, and that doesn’t count the numbers who have moved in with family or found other ways to survive their bad luck (http://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/17/us/17poverty.html).  I haven’t been able to find recent numbers of those families living below $40,000 but in 2007, that number was 90 million (http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2007/04/poverty_numbers.html) suggesting that the number now is likely over 100 million.
 
With those kinds of numbers, what kind of priorities allow this to happen, and what kind of culture thinks of it as only?  Only those already struggling will face a tax increase and be required to sacrifice even further than they already have?!  And for what?  Not for a deficit reduction which this deal will not do.  Not for job creation; it’s hard to see how one job will be created by this deal.  A “principled compromise”?   What are the principles demonstrated by it?
 
© Alice Bolstridge,  12-11-10

Tuesday, November 30, 2010

The Liberal Drift of History

Just before the elections, an email friend wrote:  It would be wonderful to get the country back from government.”    In his campaign, Howard Dean used the slogan “Take back America.”  What do people mean by such slogans?  And why do they work, or are perceived to work, in political campaigns?  Superficially, I suspect the tea partiers and republicans mean, Take the government back from the democrats.  I suspect Dean meant, Take America back from the Republicans.   But that’s not what they say, so there must be something emotionally deeper, likely down in the brain’s unconscious amygdala, motivating both the utterances and public response to them.

 
I wanted Dean to mean, Take America’s government away from the greedy, earth-and-spirit destroying rich whose driving motive is obscene profit.  I am mad as hell at the influences in government that protect the rich and their profits at the expense of basic economic needs of the middle class and poor and at the expense of the environment—the earth, our home.  In such a climate “free-market” seems a travesty of the promises in our constitution. 

 
A member of the middle class, I watch the value of my meager life savings dwindle as a result of free-market greed.  My yearly retirement income equals about 12% of the $250,000 income per year suggested as the cut-off point for extending tax cuts, and my working income as a teacher never exceeded 15% of it.  All together, my assets, which include my home, add up to much less than $250,000.  Fortunately, I am healthy without any chronic diseases requiring major monthly expenses, but still my Medicare deductibles and co-pays shave away from my savings once or twice a year.  72 years old, I fear my own descent into poverty as well as that of my children and grandchildren, a descent into the kind of poverty I knew as a child growing up.   There were times then when the lack of money to buy a bag of flour would reduce my mother to tears.  Rage and fear about this kind of thing drive my response to so many of the political campaign tactics and slogans.

 
Paradoxically, my present financial situation is so much better than it was for most of my working life when I earned annually less than 8% of $250,000.  Then, I was mostly broke at the end of each pay period, had no savings, was often making monthly payments on a car or minimum payments on bank loans or credit card debt, and rented my home.  Yet I felt lucky then to have all my basic needs for shelter, food, clean water, warmth during our long cold winters in Northern Maine, and health insurance, with even enough for a car payment and a movie or dinner out occasionally.  What more do any of us need?  And even as I child I never felt hungry.  When there was no bread, there were always potatoes my father grew and shelves of canned food in the cellar, deer and partridge in the woods, fish in the river, and in the summer a garden of fresh vegetables and plentiful wild edibles, all of this within walking distance.     

 
My fears about poverty are irrational.  Yet now, making and having more money, I feel less secure than I did then.   Being more secure, I put distance between myself and basic needs.  I feel anxious about preserving and extending my small wealth, which makes me feel that I understand the passions that drive the rich.  Once we get even a small way beyond meeting our essential needs, if we are not careful and self reflective enough, money becomes more important than any other consideration, and because the rich can buy power and influence politics and policies, their anxieties become public anxieties, infecting even the poor.  By policy and legislation, we are squandering our public wealth and resources in the name of “security,” raging with suspicion against our neighbors, and struggling to destroy phantom fears.       

 
My personal experience is but a microcosmic example.  I don’t believe my response is very different from most voters of the right or of the left.  We all fear losing our assets and what we believe to be our financial security, we all rage against the powers we believe to be responsible, and we all vote out of our anxieties.  I asked my friend what he meant by his use of the slogan, “get the country back from government.”   He didn’t talk about his personal situation nor his amygdaline responses, but what he did talk about does not seem so very different from my concerns.  He talked about government spending, corruption, national debt, and what they have done to social security.  I also am concerned about these issues.  The important differences between us are not the issues but rather conflicting beliefs about who is responsible for our distress and what to do about it.  He blames government.  But as a representative republic whose citizens vote democratically for those who make up government, government is us, people like him and me who choose to vote.  Or is it? 

 
Corporations are now permitted by Supreme Court decision to increase their influence- buying without limit by virtue of having the same constitutional rights to free expression as individuals.  Poor individuals have no means to buy such influence and thus do not have opportunity equal to the rich.  This feeds my fire to take America back from the greedy rich.  Back to what?  To the practice of the promises of the constitution?  The original constitution was written by rich male landowners and excluded women, slaves, Native Americans and other minorities, and the multitude of wage workers too poor to own land.  The framers excluded far more of the country’s residents than they included. But the Declaration of Independence and the Bill of Rights promised equality, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness for all and inspired struggles to achieve the promises and possibilities that continue to this day. 

 
Progress proceeds painful step by painful step.  I wouldn’t mind taking the government back to the soothing tone of Franklin Roosevelt's fireside chats of the early 40s and his efforts to achieve social justice and save the poor from disaster.  Or how about taking America back to Republican values of the 50s such as President Eisenhower who said “Peace is the climate of freedom,” and warned us about the growth of a military-industrial complex, and initiated important civil rights legislation; and values such as Margaret Chase-Smith’s courageous stand against McCarthy’s fear-mongering attacks on communism.  I would like to regain the best of the 60s spirit of optimism, possibility, commitment, and freedom I felt often during that Aquarian age.  When President Kennedy said, “Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country,” I was 21 years old, witnessing my first presidential campaign as a voting adult, and casting it for all the democrats on the ballot against prevailing values of my right wing family of origin because he meant to me greater progress toward freedom and justice for all.   I am not a fan of either Reagan or George W. Bush.  I believe Reagan’s practice of trickle-down economics and deregulation began processes that eventually led to financial debacles that Bush’s presidency harvested, but even Reagan managed to accomplish some important peace initiatives with Gorbachev.  I believe Bush should have been impeached for dragging us into our current wars,  But in using Condaleeza Rice as secretary of State, he helped to champion equal opportunity for all, and now we have our first self-identified black President. 

 
The right, in spite of itself, moves with the “liberal drift of history” that I can witness in my own lifetime, moves in spite of aggressive reactionary fights to slow the drift or halt it, in spite of the evidence of this recent election that we are increasingly governed by forces of buying and spending that value profit for the rich over the promises made by the Declaration of Independence and the Bill of Rights.  There is no rational or ethical reason to deny that promise.  We are all racial, religious, and ethnic mongrels.  Furthermore, we are all cousins going back to a single evolutionary Lucy.  We are all in the same DNA family.  In my late middle age, a maternal aunt “confessed” to me—her blue-eyed, blonde-haired, pale-skinned niece— that her paternal grandmother was Native American.  Suddenly, I understood where my brown-eyed, tan-skinned brother and cousins came from.   This aunt herself had a set of fraternal twins: one dark, one fair.  And I understood, too, how shame of such an ancestry prevented me from knowing any of my grandfather’s relatives or knowing anything about them until it became, via that liberal drift of history, not only acceptable, but also a source of pride to claim our complete heritage. 

 
We live now in a global culture that demands we find a way to peacefully resolve our conflicts with one another if we are to have a future at all.   Going back to the past for a visit is instructive and useful, but we cannot live there.  History moves only forward.  And so I want to nudge that erratic liberal drift into the future, resist the forces that would make “liberal” (or “conservative” either for that matter) a dirty word.  I have joined in the fray of local politics, marched in rallies for health care, and committed to teach a class in writing about issues of peace and justice.  I make phone calls, write letters, and start this blog.  I mean to influence in whatever small way I can the people and policies that govern us and to exercise regularly my resolve to help improve health for all people, creatures, earth, air, and water.  As the documents of both democracy and republicanism promise, I will claim some ownership in the government that maddens me.  I invite you to join me if you aren’t already there, and if you are ahead of me, please help me find the way. 

 
© 2010 by Alice Bolstridge.  All rights reserved.
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